It is important to know that all women are not the same and the fact that some men get treated wrongly doesn’t mean that it happens all the time.

With that being said here is a list of the reasons some nice guys get treated badly:

The notion that they’ll always be there: It is human to take for granted the things we get easily, if your partner gets the notion that you’ll always be there regardless of their bad behaviour they are likely to keep doing it.

The idea that you’ll tolerate anything will make her too comfortable and take your kindness for weakness.

Feelings of being superior: If a guy is consistently overly accommodating and clingy, it can create a power imbalance in the relationship.

His partner might start to feel superior or in control, which can lead to a lack of respect. Healthy relationships thrive on mutual respect and an equal balance of power

· Desire for drama: Some individuals are accustomed to relationships that are emotionally charged and filled with drama.

When a nice guy provides stability and an absence of unnecessary conflict, it may be perceived as dull or lacking excitement. This can lead to the person seeking out drama or instability elsewhere.

Past emotional wounds:

· People who have been hurt in previous relationships may unintentionally project their insecurities onto new partners.

If someone has experienced betrayal or emotional pain, they might find it challenging to trust a genuinely nice person, fearing that it’s too good to be true or waiting for the other shoe to drop.

It’s also important for individuals to be aware of their own needs and boundaries in a relationship, fostering an environment of respect and understanding.

In a speech made during the 5th Chief Tony Anenih Memorial Lecture held in Benin, the Edo State Peoples Democratic Party State Chairman, Dr. Azeigbemi said, “lets preserve the legacies of Late Chief Tony Anenih”. This was a very bemusing attempt to cure history. While one would subconsciously agree with this assertion if it had emanated from another mind, it is difficult, if not impossible to admit such a reverse psychology from the state chairman of the Party who does the exact opposite of what he says in public.

Yes, Chief Tony Anenih in his lifetime was an embodiment of integrity, loyalty, dedication and a true party man. He was consistent with the ideals of the Party and never wavered because of pecuniary gains. Under the leadership of Chief Tony Anenih, PDP in Edo was in a very safe hand. This cannot be said with all honesty today. The political legacies and ideologies of Chief Tony Anenih were centered around justice, equity and fairplay. At no time were outsiders allowed to take over the reins of the Party to the detriment of dedicated members. At no time did the legend of PDP in Edo State allow for betrayal. He did everything humanly possible to reward loyalty by sustaining members of the party for their loyalty, service and uncompromising positions with the Party. Can one say this about PDP today under the stewardship of the present chairman? The glaring answer is NO.

One can easily recall that after Professor Osunbor was elected as the governor of Edo State, he turned his back on Chief Tony Anenih and the Party just like we are experiencing today. This led to his untimely removal as governor. It was a moral lesson of ‘dont bite the finger that fed you.’

Today, Edo PDP leadership is witnessing another deliberate effort at letting history repeat itself through the actions of the State Governor Godwin Obaseki in collaboration with the state Chairman, Dr. Tony Aziegbemi. It will be recalled that Chief Dan Orbih, as outgoing State Chairman, stood for Aziegbemi and did everything possible to galvanise leaders and delegates across the State to support and vote for Aziegbemi to emerge. I recall the uncertainty which befell Aziegbemi on that congress night, knowing that he could never have garnered the needed delegates and support to emerge as chairman, without Chief Dan Orbih. But today, Aziegbemi has ignominiously called out Chief Orbih, in order to grandstand before his paymaster.

Today, we are seeing the replay of that betrayal where the patriotic members of the Party have been left outside power and government which led to the disastrous outing during the last general election. This woeful outcome has never been seen since 1999 when the first election under this democratic experience was held. The tragic role of Dr. Tony Aziegbemi in all this is still fresh in our memories as we go into the 2024 Edo State gubernatorial election. It is obvious the chairman is siding with the governor yet again to produce a candidate that cannot win a single local government in Edo State. The popularity rating of the governor is at its lowest the moment as most citizens are disenchanted with his performance and political attitude.

Instead of the empty appeal to members of the Party not to work against the party, Dr. Tony Aziegbemi should be man enough, as our revered late leader would have hoped, to work with the Party and allow for a free and fair primary where the most acceptable candidate will emerge. Anything less than this will spell doom for the already defeathered party under his curious leadership.

A stitch in time saves nine.

It is still striking in my mind how so much of the Western political, business, and broader society got Russia so wrong, for so long. I think it is a question which is important to ask, and better understand. Important I think because the same biases in coverage and understanding of Russia might still be there, and causing us still to misread and miscalculate when it comes to Russia. But also we might also be making similar mistakes when we come to understanding and assessing similar strategic challenges, for example, on China.

As someone who long argued as to the threat posed by Russia – along with my colleagues on the Russia and Eurasia programme at Chatham House – the alarm bells should already have been ringing as early as Putin’s Munich Security Council speech in 2007, then his invasion of Georgia in 2008. Surely the smell of the coffee brewing should have been pungent by the time of his annexation of Crimea in April 2014, then the clear cut Russian military intervention in Donbas later in 2014. WMD were even used on the soil of a NATO member – twice with Litvinenko and then again with Skyrpal. This was even not enough of a warning for some. Putin helped us even further by writing an essay in mid 2021 giving Russian troops the justification for the invasion of Ukraine, which should have literally spelled it out to all what was coming. Biden, the US government and UK government then gave us all a “read my lips moment” later in 2021 that the invasion was coming, with a high probability. They even provided the Intel with photos and sat imagery. But people chose still to ignore the writing on the wall – in the essay at least, from Putin

Why?

I put it down to a number of reasons:

First, too many people were just too invested in Russia. In trading financial markets its a must do discipline to set oneself stop losses: to accept when you might be wrong, and to set and keep to stop losses. It’s an opportunity to re-assess, take a wrong call on the chin, to exit, with a loss and a tail between one’s legs, but to assure against much bigger losses in the future. Too few Western businesses in Russia set or abided by stop losses. They had no exit strategy if things went wrong. I think too many businesses were just blinded by the scale of their exposure, that they talked themselves into a wishful thinking/rosy scenario, imaging that Putin was just like them, and would not risk the financial and economic costs of war. They were just wrong, very wrong. Many now whinge about their assets and exposure in Russia – assuming there should be some sympathy from Western governments to kind of help them negotiate an exit – trade off against frozen Russian assets – to compensate them for their own bad calls. They failed to set or abide by the stop in Russia – now they must take the loss.

Second, much of the info narrative around Russia was just plain wrong. But why? I would argue that that same business community invested in Russia, then lobbied and pushed the same narrative in the public domain that Putin would not do the unthinkable. They sought to play down the risks – perhaps to justify to others higher up their own business food chains that they should remain invested in Russia. They could not stomach cutting, early, and running, and taking losses when they could.

Some of this was also a group think echo chamber. But often it was the same Western business lobby which lobbied hard in favour of Russian interests and against Russia sanctions. It’s almost as though some were in cahoots. The worry is perhaps some were.

Third, now you could argue, diplomatically, that the above business lobby had been captured. Others might say that this was all an intelligence operation by the Russian state to buy Western interests, in business, the media, politics, academia, even culture and sports, and then to present a certain rose tinted view of the Putin regime. Corruption? Perhaps, some were happy to take Putin’s forty pieces of silver? Espionage, yes very likely. Indeed, a hugely successful Russian influence and corruption operation waged over many years. To set the stage for the invasion which was likely planned long in advance.

We should though still ask ourselves how far our institutions were captured by the Russian state, and whether many remain captured? If Russian influence remains we should be acting to clean up captured institutions. Are we? I don’t think so. We are not even asking the question.

Fourth, business relied significantly on bank research advising on Russia investments. But Russian state owned banks dominated the info space there having invested heavily in their research capability. With hindsight was that all part of a Russian intel operation? Possible, even likely some might argue. Even the international banks which covered Russia typically had Russian analysts covering the country – often Moscow based. Again it’s hard not to see the bulk of this narrative on Russia, and Ukraine (most banks gave their Ukraine view from Moscow), having a very Russian, or worse even Kremlin, narrative.

Fifth, perhaps it was all just an honest wrong call – it happens in life to all of us. Many of the above business interests thought that Putin thought like them, and many thought they had great lines into Russian political circles, many even in the Kremlin. Many told me before the full scale invasion, that “ their contacts in the Kremlin had told them there would be no invasion”.

Well, yes, those Kremlin contacts would have said that would n’t they even if they had known. But many likely were as much in the dark in reality as the Western business interests invested in Russia. The question though is in very centralised political regimes like Russia, how can Western business really know what is going on? Therein the same could now be said of China. So it’s a question of how Western business gets its information, and how accurate that can be in typically secretive authoritarian regimes.

The reality is that Putin did not think like Western business leaders. Business and the economy was a means to an end – the end was the invasion and subjugation of Ukraine, and the recreation of Russian great power status and empire. It’s an imperialist ambition – unfortunately shared by many Russians. Putin had made the calculation that the time to invade Ukraine was February 2022, as economic buffers (put in place long in advance) had been built against potential Western economic sanctions. And he was willing to take the economic consequences, and Western business operations in Russia were expendable, actually to be stolen and seized as the war has progressed.

Notable here again, back in 2015 I argued that Putin had created “Fortress Russia” economic policy settings because he was planning for future conflict with the West. Russia had deleveraged, cut debt, built $600bn+ in FX reserves, and set fiscal and monetary policy much tighter than macro indicators should have suggested for a country with peaceful intent.

Again the writing was there for those that chose to look. The problem is too many did not.

So have we thoroughly investigated why the West got this all wrong – no. Is all this being swept under the carpet? Yes, perhaps some in power or business don’t want the embarrassment and exposure.

Worryingly though if Russia has captured key Western interests, they likely remain captive, and active. Are we doing anything to expose and root these out to stop their continuing influence on at least the public narrative? Not really.

And are the same mistakes possible when it comes to China – absolutely. Western business interests are similarly invested up to the hilt, and appear active in lobbying to remain engaged and invested. Are they asking the right questions, are they able to table the right questions to the right people? Unlikely. Can they “be in the know”? Also unlikely. I hope for their own sakes that they have set stop losses and could still exit if need be.

Interestingly, I now see those very same “Fortress China” economic policy settings as we saw in Russia from 2015 onwards – deleveraging, building FX buffers, running much tighter fiscal and monetary policies, sacrificing growth for a stronger balance sheet to defend against future tensions with the West. The warning signs are there.

This article was first published in www.kyivpost.com

The Governorship Election Petition Tribunal in Sokoto has dismissed the petition filed against the victory of Governor Ahmed Aliyu by the candidate of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Sa’idu Umar, in the March 18 election.

The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) had declared Aliyu, who contested on the platform of the All Progressives Congress (APC) as winner of the election, but Umar challenged his victory on the grounds of Aliyu’s deputy qualification as well as electoral fraud.

In its ruling on Saturday, the 3-member panel led by Justice Huruna Mshelia said the petitioner failed to prove the allegations beyond reasonable doubts.

More details to follow…

Former Acting National Chairman of the defunct All Nigeria Peoples Party, Chief Suarau Alani Bankole, has insisted that neither democracy nor military rule is Nigeria’s best system of government.

New Telegraph reports that Bankole, the father of the former Speaker of the House of Representatives, Hon. Dimeji Bankole, opined that Nigeria must operate a system of government other than military rule.

According to him, such a system of government must consider the Nigerian people’s peculiarities and be best suited to resolve the country’s challenges.

Bankole stated this on Friday, shortly after he was unveiled by the Alake of Egbaland, Oba Adedotun Gbadebo, as the Apana of Egbaland at Ake palace in Abeokuta, the Ogun state capital.

The octogenarian noted that Nigeria must build strong institutions supporting good governance.

His words, “I do not agree that democracy is the best for Nigeria. In Saudi Arabia, there is no democracy; the people there are very happy they are making progress, they are satisfied, and their resources are properly distributed.

“However, the military government is not an alternative to democracy, but I think the world is changing. I think people should start to think about the best government other than democracy, but definitely not autocracy.

“The only good thing about democracy is that the leaders can never be there forever.

“The way they practice democracy in America is different from the way they practice democracy in the UK, and the two are quite different from the way we practice it in Africa because there are institutions of checks and balances which are always in the constitutions of those countries.”

There are several reasons why Edo state APC state chairman, Col David Imuse, should resign from his current position and focus on his Edo 2024 governorship ambition.

Firstly, it is important for the state chairman to be impartial and neutral in his role. However, Imuse has been meeting with the stakeholders and Traditional rulers across the state openly to inform them about his ambition to run for the governorship position in 2024. This raises concerns about his ability to fairly and objectively handle party affairs, as his personal interests may influence his decisions and actions.

Secondly, Imuse’s focus on his governorship ambition may distract him from effectively carrying out his duties as the state chairman. The role of the state chairman is crucial in ensuring the smooth running of the party, coordinating party activities, and promoting party unity. If Imuse is preoccupied with his personal political agenda, it may hinder his ability to fulfill these responsibilities effectively.

Thirdly, Imuse’s continued presence as the state chairman may create divisions within the party. Other party members who have their own governorship ambitions may feel marginalized or overshadowed by Imuse’s aspirations. This could lead to internal conflicts and a lack of cohesion within the party, which is detrimental to its overall success.

However, for the sake of party unity, impartiality, and effective leadership, it is in the best interest of Edo state APC for Col David Imuse to resign from his position as the state chairman and focus on his Edo 2024 governorship ambition. This will allow for a more neutral and efficient leadership within the party.

Edo State APC needs a dynamic and inclusive Chairman who can unite the party, restore order and lead the party to victory in the forthcoming elections.

Prince Raf Jimoh Omogbai wrote from Jattu Uzairue

In separate interviews with the News Agency of Nigeria (NAN) across the country on Sunday, Nigerians said that there should be an appropriated age a child should be allowed the use of cell phone.

Some said that parents should introduce cell phones to their children from 14 years and above, especially those in high school, while some said the appropriated age is 18 years.

Muyiwa Ugwu, a civil servant in Onitsha, said that the safest age to allow children use cell phones is from 18 years and above.

Ugwu said exposing a child to mobile phone at a younger age might lead them to pornography exposure online which could be devastating to a child’s sex life in future.

According to her, “pornography is more easily accessible than ever and it can ruin a child’s life.

“Early exposure to cell phones can sometimes lead to a life long addiction.

“A recently research on this issue states that about 93 per cent of boys and 62 of girls are exposed to pornography at adolescence age,” she said.

Ugwu, however, said that why most children get exposed to pornography in adolescence age often stems from parents being too lazy to monitor their internet activities.

She said parents who introduce cell phones to their kids at early stage should get an accountability software device such as “COVENANT EYES” that could help to keep everyone accountable.

Onyinyechi Promise, a petty trader in Kwara, said that the right age to allow a child own a cell phone is from 14 years.

“If a child is 14 and they walk home alone from school or if they have a baby sitting job that keeps them away from home or an emergency comes up, then it’s a good age for cell phone but the device should be a dumb phone.

“But if the child is never left alone, and they’re always in care of an adult then cell phone isn’t necessary for them,” she said.

Promise, however, said that early exposure to cell phone use by kids could destroy family conversations.

She said that early introduction to cell phone is responsible for over 3 per cent of parents and teenagers arguing daily on device usage.

Asher Emmanuel, a sports Coach in Abuja, said that the safest age to allow a child own a cell phone should be from 18 years and above and after their secondary school education.

Emmanuel said that giving a child a mobile phone at 18 and after secondary school education would help them explore the world.

According to her, “18 years and above can make good use of their cell phones and use it to do something productive such as graphic designing that can help them make money.”

Emmanuel urged parents to first instill values and principles that could help their kids not to fall victims of sexual predators online before introducing a cell phone to them.

Barnabas Agbo, a trader in Enugu state, said that the right age to allow a child own a cell phone should be from 12 years upwards.

Agbo said that the society is digital based and hides nothing anymore from kids, especially the unexposed ones who are illiterates about cell phones.

“Kids that are not taught or exposed to what mobile phone is at a younger age might likely get exposed to it through their friends who might lure them into watching ungodly videos,” he said.

He said that early exposure of cell phones to kids would help guide them on how to manage cell phones and also help to trim desperation that might lead them into developing bad attitudes. (NAN)

1. Preservation of Life:
One compelling reason why youth should refrain from joining cults lies in the preservation of their own lives. Cult activities, marked by violence and criminality, pose a grave threat to individual safety. Cult rivalries engender an atmosphere of fear, leading to an increased risk of violent clashes, reprisals, and even untimely deaths. By resisting the lure of cults, Edo youths have an opportunity to prioritize their own well-being and secure a future filled with promise.

2. Academic and Career Opportunities:
Joining a cult often derails academic and career opportunities, hindering the chance for personal growth and overall success. Cult involvement typically demands substantial time and emotional commitment, diverting individuals from their studies or professional aspirations. In contrast, Edo youths who dedicate themselves to education, skill development, and constructive extracurricular activities not only enhance their chances for higher education but also equip themselves with the skills necessary to thrive in a competitive job market.

3. Building Positive Relationships:
Cult membership often replaces one’s support system with an insular group that prioritizes loyalty to the cult above all else. Consequently, individuals can become isolated from family, friends, and wider societal interactions. This detachment from positive influences can have detrimental effects on personal growth, emotional well-being, and the development of healthy relationships. By remaining cult-free, Edo youths have the opportunity to cultivate meaningful connections, broaden their horizons, and build a strong network of support both personally and professionally.

4. Ethical and Moral Development:
Cults often manipulate and exploit individuals by distorting their ethical compass and coercing them into engaging in illegal activities. For Edo youths, who possess inherent cleverness and intelligence, embracing ethical standards and moral values is crucial for their growth as responsible citizens. By avoiding cults, young individuals can uphold their personal integrity and contribute positively to society, making a lasting impact.

Edo youths, known for their cleverness, creativity, and intelligence, hold the potential to shape a vibrant, progressive community. By rejecting cults, these young individuals can uphold their personal safety, maximize academic and career opportunities, build positive relationships, and develop strong ethical foundations. Cult-free Edo youths can collectively work towards eliminating cult killings, paving the way for a future where their talents and abilities contribute to the betterment of society as a whole.

This Essay was written by Chris Osa Nehikhare, Hon. Commissioner for Communication and Orientation.

#StopCultismNow
#EndCultKillingsNow

President Tinubu who brands his government as administration of “renewed hope”, comes across as a leader who is ready to right many, if not all the wrongs of the past, particularly the misdeeds of the last regime. It is against this background that one is persuaded to join many eminent Nigerians, in raising the issue of public university system with him.

There is no controverting the fact that the system is currently tottering at the brink of collapse as it is dying of insipidity. It is unfortunate that many federal universities’ laboratories have resorted to using kerosene stove in place of Bunsen burner. In metaphorical sense, the system is not only sick; it is on an intensive care unit, gasping for breath. During the Buhari regime, the system sweltered from crisis to crisis, as various campuses of universities became cloudy with so much aches and pains.

In response to the nagging problems of poor funding, decayed infrastructure, poor welfare of workers, campus-based associations – the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU), Senior Staff Association of Nigerian Universities (SSANU), National Association of Academic Technologists (NAAT), and Non-Academic Staff Union of Educational and Associated Institutions (NASU) as usual, took on Buhari’s regime, after shouting themselves hoarse, embarking on an indefinite strike.

The last strike which began on Monday February 14, 2022 and was called off on October 14, 2022 remains one of the longest with debilitating effects on the system. For eight months, the system was in a complete paralysis and rigour mortis. The then government sadly provided leadership atrophy which clearly destroyed the system. It is unfortunate that the strike was allowed to drag for that long.

However, irrespective of what may be perceived as the unions’ “excesses or offences”, no responsible government should have allowed a crisis to fester for eight months. And, after eight months of starvation, stress and distress, the government invoked the “no-work, no-pay” policy, thereby withholding payment of the striking workers! Who does that? Who says ASUU members did not work during the crisis? Many of them were still stealthily supervising theses and dissertations of their students with hunger in their stomach. I know many students who completed their PhD programmes during the eight months of strike.

Who says SSANU and NASU members were not working during the strike? Security men and women, who are members of these unions, were coming to work every day to protect government’s property. Yet, Buhari’s government was audacious enough to say those who sacrificed so much to safeguard lives and property should not be paid! And they have not been paid up till now!

What Buhari and his ministers, the duo of Chris Ngige and Adamu Adamu, did to the university system was more than an equivalent of the coup d’état. The way they handled the face-off amounted to a deliberate destruction of the system. Bad enough, it was as if Ngige had cheap scores to settle with academics in general and ASUU president, Emmanuel Osodeke in particular. Ngige, displaying all the traces of tyranny and subtle sadism was just being propagandistic rather than being genuinely interested in seeking solutions.

Let me slice it a little thinner: Buhari handled the crisis with extreme apathy and unfriendliness. While Ngige, in a fit of vengeful hubris was always presenting a phalanx of statistical inaccuracies, sarcasms, and negative innuendos, Education Minister Adamu appeared to be at loss; standing so aloof with no creative solutions to the raging storm. At the end of the day, it was a triumph of politics over rationality, with humongous spill-over effect.

Today, many academic and non-academic staff members have resigned and migrated abroad in search of the proverbial greener pastures. Political elites forced them to seek safety elsewhere. If there is any sector that has experienced “Japa” syndrome, it is the university system as workers resign on a daily basis in all the university campuses. Refusing to pay varsity workers in different categories for four and eight months respectively is an indiscretion that is currently haunting at a higher cost to the integrity of the system.

Indeed, if Buhari and his ministers thought they defeated and decimated the campus-based unions, they only need to look back and see the backlash of their draconian decision. In a particular department in a university, only three lecturers are left as 10 have resigned and migrated abroad, saying they could not withstand the indignity of begging to feed their families. Again, many of the young academics sponsored abroad for further studies by Tertiary Education Trust Fund (TETfund) have refused to come back to the system.

Now, what is the way forward? This is where President Tinubu is invited to step forward and remedy this national disaster. If there was a government which inadvertently destroyed a system, there must be a government that should be credited with renewing and rebuilding. Tinubu should be able to bind the wounds inflicted on the system and dress its suppurating gashes. The first step in this regard is to pay eight months withheld salaries of the academics and four months of the SSANU members. Forget about the court ruling upholding “no-work, no-pay policy”. Tinubu shouldn’t be legalistic in this matter, rather he should be moralistic!

How much is the salary of a professor? An average professor goes home with a little above N400,000. The payment is pittance and the wages are wretched in today’s economy. It is heinous and heartless for any government to have withheld such poor salary for eight months. Apart from the eight months’ salary withheld, ASUU in its recent release claimed that the government has stopped paying promotion arrears since 2018. SSANU has also confirmed the same claim, adding that the government has never paid 23 percent salary increase implemented among other federal workers recently.

The university is the resource base of the nation. It is the powerhouse of the future. It is very pivotal to the country’s growth. Developed countries such as Canada, Australia, Japan, Finland and the United Kingdom place much premium on their educational system and they are better for it. In Nigeria, contrary is the case as knowledge is derided, scholarship is disparaged. Yet, we want our universities to rank among the best in the world. It is day dreaming!

Tinubu, without doubt, possesses substantial native wisdom, potent enough to handle the crisis. The remediation option is simple: he should promptly order the Accountant General of the Federation to release the withheld salaries; interact with union leaders and assuage their pains.

The mood of the university workers, since last year, has been dour. From the recent strike, they have ended up with burns and blisters. The workers have paid the price of crucifixion in order to ensure that the system enjoys the glory of resurrection. The point cannot be overstated that they need healing. The healing they require urgently now is the payment of their seized salaries and other allowances. This is the road to recovery.

•Saanu is with University of Ibadan.

Something is happening in Edo State right now. It is a big lesson in infidelity. As you read this piece, the rope which strapped Governor Godwin Obaseki and his deputy, Comrade Philip Shaibu, together in the wake of their joint political annihilation of their estranged godfather, Comrade Adams Oshiomhole, has snapped. As it stands today, Shaibu is holding on at the mercy of an Abuja Federal High Court, which asked the parties in the suit he filed to stay action. Shaibu, rightly, or wrongly, in the said suit, claimed that his principal, using the House of Assembly, had put in motion plans to impeach him. Obaseki, on his part, said there was no such plan. The security agents, who were joined in the suit, also denied it. How do my people describe a situation like this? “Agbón únsé, ìkamùdù únsé; ojú olóko rē gùdùgudu” (The wasp denies, the giant ant denies, yet the face of the farmer is full of bumps). Oshiomhole is the only one savouring the entire drama with his signature mischievous smile at the corners of his mouth. There is a snag somewhere. We would come to that in a while. What is playing out in Edo State reminds me of the chants of hunters, back in my childhood.

One of the childhood pastimes I loved back in those days, was attending the chants by hunters, known as Ìjálá Aré Ode. These chants come in different shades; some purely entertaining, and some esoteric and dangerous. For instance, Ìrèmòjé, a dirge chant by hunters, is one that is not performed in the daytime, and, or just anytime. You cannot perform an Ìrèmòjé in your family compound simply because you are happy. Such a misadventure comes with terrible consequences. Ìrèmòjé is chanted when a hunter is faced with a very difficult situation, and he needs the assistance of the owners of the trade to get out alive. Or at the funeral of a hunter who was indeed a hunter while on this part of the planet. It is a combination of evocation, incantation, and invocation. Talk about traditional trinity, talk about Ìrèmòjé. You have got to be versed in the deep language of Ogun worshipers to be able to participate in Ìrèmòjé, especially during an Ìsípa Ode (funeral rites for a departed hunter). I would have loved to do an Ìrèmòjé for Shaibu. But I was not initiated into the world of hunters. I only loved to watch the hunters ply their trades back then. I relied solely on the enviable positions occupied by my two elderly first cousins, the late Baba Olaiya Onipede (Olaiya Asho) and the current Head of Obajusigbe clan, Pa Jimoh Ajayi Owomorinle. These two, especially Baba Olaiya, were so versed in Ìjálá that other hunters avoided them when they entered their modes. And on such occasions, they would look around to see any inquisitive lad around and order him back home. Yours sincerely was once an inquisitive lad. Thankfully, curiosity did not kill my cat! There is one chant I picked back then that speaks to Obaseki and Shaibu’s debacle.

The chant is about an adulterous woman. Hunters, as far back as the creation of time, knew that it is not profitable to marry an adulterous woman. They reasoned that any woman who could betray her husband has the capacity to betray any other man. Her coquettish proclivity would always drift her to other men, the hunters reasoned in their chants, as they sing: Àgbèrè obìnrin sòro fé (It is difficult to marry an adulterous woman); Bó pé bó yá yió da’lè (sooner or later she will betray you), Àgbèrè obìnrin sòro fé (It is difficult to marry an adulterous woman). Traditional philosophers say that once a married woman opens her laps for another man other than her husband, the man at home has lost the battle. I would not know how true that is. However, I know that betrayal has a way of repeating itself. We have seen that among the Nigerian politicians, especially those of this inglorious era which began on May 29, 1999. Check those in power today and those in the opposition, you will find men and women who had before now touched base with virtually all the political parties. Our current swarm of political elite was absent when Obatala was giving the virtue of shame. One needs to attend any gathering where one politician is changing party colour like a chameleon to understand how despicable those we call our leaders can be. My Benin friends have a name for them: Anywhere belle face!

Shaibu was an unknown entity until the gods used Oshiomhole to support him in the year 2000 to become the President of the National Association of Nigerian Students (NANS), following the death of another Edo NANS President, Moses Osakede. Oshiomhole himself, whom many believe is a protegee of late Pastor Francis Osikpomobo Shaibu (Philip Shaibu’s father), remained committed to his late benefactor by holding the junior Shaibu’s hands up the political ladder. Through the instrumentality of Oshiomhole, Shaibu, was elected as a member of the Edo State House of Assembly, to represent Etsako West, under Oshiomhole’s Action Congress (AC), in 2007. On November 12, 2008, the Court of Appeal sacked Professor Oserheimen Osunbor, who was erroneously declared the winner of the 2007 governorship election and declared Oshiomhole as the winner. As the sitting governor, Oshiomhole orchestrated the removal of the House of Assembly leadership in 2010 and installed Shaibu as Majority Leader on February 24, 2010. In 2015, just a year to Oshiomhole’s end of second term, he, against all protestations from their Etsako clan, imposed Shaibu as the House of Representatives candidate for the Etsako Federal Constituency. The argument that Oshiomhole as a governor, and being from Etsako West and of Uzairue ethnic group, should not allow another Etsako West and Uzauire person, who had before the 2015 elections, been a member of the house of assembly for eight years, to take the slot, fell on deaf ears. Barely a year in the House of Representatives, and as Oshiomhole’s second term in office was round the corner, the homuncular former labour leader found no other person to be nominated as the deputy governorship candidate of the APC than Shaibu. On November 12, 2016, Philip Shaibu was sworn in as the deputy governor to his principal, Governor Godwin Nogheghase Obaseki. If there is any proverbial squirrel which cracked Shaibu’s political palm kernel, look no further than Oshiomhole.

As it was for Shaibu, so it was for Obaseki, who before he became the occupant of Dennis Osadebay Avenue, Government House, Edo State, on November 12, 2016, was a political nobody. Oshiomhole appointed him as the Chairman of the Economic and Strategy Team (EST). He was in the Oshiomhole’s administration as the unseen hands behind the government’s Tax Assessment Review Committee for the Edo State Internal Revenue (TARC) and the Committee on Micro, Small and Medium Enterprises (MSME). Like he is fond of saying to anyone that cares to listen, Obaseki remains a ‘technocrat’ without any political lineage, platform, or idea. Meanwhile, in government, Oshiomhole had Dr Pius Odubu as his deputy, whom he never handed over to for a second as acting governor, but who nevertheless remained loyal to his principal. Many would have taken the bet that given Odubu’s level of loyalty, he would be anointed as Oshiomhole’s successor. That would never be as Oshiomhole, again ignoring all wise counsel, anointed Obaseki as his successor. He browbeat everyone to support the project and went all the way to bulldoze the political mountains on Obaseki’s path to the Government House. On November 12, 2016, Obaseki took the oath of office as the Executive Governor of Edo State. The cycle was completed when Oshiomhole donated Osarodion Ogie, his erstwhile Commissioner for Works, as the Secretary to the State Government (SSG). He packed his bag, headed for his Iyamho country home and from there to Abuja, where he upstaged another Edo man and former governor of the state, Chief John Odigie Oyegun, as the National Chairman of the APC. Installed as the new APC National Chairman on June 23, 2018, Oshiomole, like the foolish Biblical rich man, looked at his political trajectory and the IOUs he deposited in the trio of Obaseki, Shaibu and Ogie back in Edo State, asked his soul to be at rest! How mistaken he was.

Back at home, the duo of Obaseki and Shaibu, like a political monozygotic twin, decided to carve a niche for themselves. They branded their political godfather overbearing and carried on in government without further recourse to him. Shaibu, who refers to his principal as “my elder brother”, was treated like a partner and not a subordinate by the governor. While Odubu never had a second to become acting governor under Oshiomhole, Shaibu was given almost unlimited latitude by Obaseki. Shaibu oversaw politics while Obaseki concentrated on core governance. The deputy governor enjoyed much visibility such that the then Governor Nyesom Wike of Rivers State had to ask, rhetorically: “Who is Shaibu, a common deputy governor?” The gap between the godfather and his godsons became widened by the day. Prodded by Shaibu, who claimed to know all the tricks of Oshiomhole, whom he calls his ‘father’, Obaseki became vicious, such that Oshiomhole had to bide his time before coming to Benin City. All known political allies of Oshiomhole became endangered as Obaseki went after them one after the other. Their business premises were either sealed up, demolished and their rights to the ownership revoked, and even railroaded to the nearest jailhouse. One of such boys relocated permanently to Abuja after he spent one Christmas in prison custody! Prompted by Osadebay Avenue (Government House), Oshiomhole was suspended by his Etsako West Ward 10, and the suspension was ratified by all the 18 local government chairmen on November 12, 2019. The National Working Committee (NWC) of the APC upheld the decision. There were litigations and counter court orders. An embattled Oshiomhole fought back. He denied Obaseki APC’s ticket for a second term, on the grounds that the governor’s certificates were fake. Obaseki and Shaibu wasted no time. On June 16, 2020, they both resigned from the APC, and three days later, joined the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), where they sought the party’s ticket for their second term. Again, Obaseki showed fidelity to his deputy, when PDP asked him to drop Shaibu, and pick a new man, the governor declined, stating that he would rather lose the bid for a second term than betray a deputy who stood by him in his political battles. Reason prevailed and Obaseki and Shaibu were adopted as PDP candidate and running mate for the September 10, 2020, gubernatorial race.

The 2020 election was the most tortuous for Oshiomhole. The campaigns “brought out the beasts” in the gladiators. Oshiomhole was practically chased back to his Etsako enclave, where he struggled to win five out of the six councils in that District, with a very puny margin. By then, Oshiomhole had become an ex-National Chairman of the APC, having been sacked by the Abuja division of the Court of Appeal on June 16, 2020. The 112,149 votes for the PDP in the Benin metropolitan councils of Egor, Ikpoba Okha and Oredo, was 18,381 votes more than the entire result of 93,768 votes, Oshiomhole got from the five, out of six LGAs in Edo North. Obaseki and Shaibu won and were sworn in on November 12, 2020, for their second term. The duo drank wine and danced to the who no like better thing, lyrics of Mr. 2kay and Jonsers. The conspiracy against Oshiomhole worked for the duo, but it was not to last.

Yoruba say of conspiracy this way: “Egbèrìn òtè, rírú ní rú; bí a ge laarò á rú lálé” (conspiracy is like a bunch of weeds, which when uprooted in the morning, sprouts in the evening). They go further to dismiss conspiracy as ephemeral, saying: “Ilé tí a fi itó mo, ìrì ni ó wo” (a house built with spittle will be destroyed by dew). Olu Daramola and Adebayo Jeje co-authored a play with the same title, “Ilé tí a fi itó mo”. No matter how conspiracy thrives, it takes something inconsequential, like the dew, to pull it down. Obaseki and Shaibu are today, living examples of the validity of these sayings. The hitherto political soul mates are not just on the battlefield, it will take the grace of God for Shaibu to complete his term as the deputy governor. Given Obaseki’s antecedents as an unforgiving and ruthless fighter, it beats my imagination how Shaibu would decide to take on his principal. Since the Obaseki political wars started with Oshiomhole, one fatal mistake his enemies make is to underestimate the governor’s capacity to wreak havoc. Oshiomhole underrated Obaseki until the latter was reduced to a lonely political figure in his Iyamho village before fortune smiled on him and he won the senatorial seat in February. What about Dan Orbih, the erstwhile National Vice Chairman of the PDP, South-South, who had the privilege of welcoming Obaseki to the PDP in 2020? Where is he today? Obaseki did not only hijack the entire PDP structures from Orbih, but he also sent him to political siesta. Why? Because everyone, who has gone into the political ring with Obaseki, has the tendency that the governor, being ‘a political neophyte’, does not understand the intricacies of deft political machinations. Poor souls! Even those who staked their political relevance to follow Obaseki from APC to PDP, are today licking their wounds.

Now back to the snag. Hanging on Shaibu’s neck is the weighty allegation of breach of Oath of Secrecy. The Edo State Executive Council meeting held last Wednesday, accused him. Chris Osa Nehikhare, Commissioner for Communication and Orientation, who briefed the press after the meeting said there were consequences for the deputy governor. Obaseki too, while speaking at Shaibu’s backyard on Thursday last week accused Shaibu of planning a “coup” against him. “To say the deputy governor has become so desperate to take over that he would do anything, including carrying out a coup, against his governor”, Obaseki bemoaned. While the deputy governor has denied all the allegations, assuring that he would “swim and sink” with his principal, Oshiomhole, a demagogue par excellence, during the week, advised Shaibu to stay loyal to his boss. He warned Shaibu not to tinker with the idea of running back to the APC. “We in APC are satisfied with the way we are. We are happy in opposition, and we are not about to receive people who are coming because they have lost out. No IDP (Internally Displaced politicians) camp for politicians in APC”, he maintained. I am not a prophet. All I know is that if by any chance, the Abuja court vacates its restraining order in the pending suit, Shaibu can as well sing his Nunc dimittis. Obaseki’s antecedents point to that!

Source: Suyi Ayodele